Trump craves attention — and the world's wealthiest men can provide it.

 Musk, Zuckerberg, Bezos, and other tech leaders that Trump is engaging wield influence over something of immense interest and strategic significance to the president: the attention of the American public.


Feb. 6, 2025, 4:00 PM GMT+6

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At his inauguration, President Donald Trump stood surrounded by tech giants—Mark Zuckerberg, Jeff Bezos, Elon Musk, and Sundar Pichai—alongside the CEOs of Apple and TikTok. These executives not only rank among the wealthiest individuals on the planet but also oversee platforms that engage virtually all Americans.

For a president whose political fortunes have been shaped by his mastery of online and television attention, these leaders hold the power to adjust algorithms and policies that could either elevate or undermine his influence—both politically and financially. In turn, Trump’s stance on technology policy, including domestic regulations and foreign influence, could significantly impact these executives and their companies. This evolving relationship signals a potential shift from the traditionally adversarial dynamic between Trump-era conservatives and Big Tech, long marked by clashes over content moderation and threats to revoke legal protections.

Conservatives see an opportunity to advance their tech priorities in ways that once seemed unattainable. However, skepticism remains. Steve Bannon, Trump’s former White House strategist, continues to criticize tech leaders and their agendas, even as they align more closely with Trump.

Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., a longtime critic of Big Tech, attributes this shift to business instincts rather than ideological alignment. “These guys are businesspeople. They see the election results, and they know where the majority of the public is,” he said. However, he warns conservatives not to trust tech companies, citing concerns over monopolistic power, control of information, and data privacy. While he acknowledges the current shift in approach to political speech, he insists on legislative action to curb Big Tech’s influence.

On the Democratic side, lawmakers and progressive allies are strategizing ways to regain influence in Silicon Valley while expressing concern over the consequences of Trump’s new rapport with tech leaders. Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Calif., who represents part of Silicon Valley, stressed the need for Democrats to position themselves as the party of innovation and entrepreneurship. Otherwise, he warns, they risk missing opportunities to harness technology for progressive goals like advancements in medicine, energy efficiency, and economic equity.

‘They’re Not Going to Get Anything From Me’

For now, Republicans see the relationship as largely one-sided—tech companies making overtures to Trump without him needing to offer much in return.

Last week, Zuckerberg’s Meta agreed to pay a $25 million settlement in a lawsuit Trump filed over his account suspension following the January 6, 2021, Capitol riot. Meta has also appointed Trump allies to its board and policy team while ending its fact-checking program in favor of a community-driven model similar to Musk’s approach at X.

Amazon, owned by Jeff Bezos, has announced a documentary on Melania Trump for its Prime platform, while Bezos himself has spoken favorably about Trump’s deregulatory stance.

Jeff Hauser, founder of the progressive Revolving Door Project, argues that tech leaders have learned from Musk’s influence over Twitter. “Spending hundreds of millions on an election is one thing, but controlling an attention-driven platform is far more powerful,” Hauser said. He believes tech executives are prioritizing favorable artificial intelligence policies, recognizing that the executive branch plays a critical role in shaping the future of AI.

Despite their growing alignment, Trump has insisted he owes the tech leaders nothing. “They’re not going to get anything from me,” he said from the Oval Office, adding that his focus is on job creation, not corporate favors. Yet in practice, Trump has allowed Musk significant leeway in pushing rapid changes at federal agencies, and his administration has taken steps to relax policies seen as barriers to AI innovation.

Trump has also reversed his stance on TikTok, dismissing national security concerns and justifying his decision by stating, “I got to use it” during his campaign.

A New Political Landscape for Tech

A Republican lobbyist rejected the notion that Trump is “ceding power to the richest people in the world.” Instead, the lobbyist argued that Trump and conservatives have achieved what they long fought for: a rollback of content moderation policies they viewed as censorship. Now, their messages can spread across platforms with minimal interference, marking a major defeat for Democrats who have long warned about the dangers of disinformation.

This shift has already influenced elections, according to the lobbyist, who credited Musk’s content policies on X as a factor in Trump’s victory. The implication is that other tech leaders may follow Musk’s lead, seeing it as a mutually beneficial relationship—boosting their platforms' engagement while giving Trump an edge in the digital battleground.

With Trump back in office and tech executives appearing open to cooperation, conservatives are seizing the moment to push for broader changes in tech policy. A coalition of conservative intellectuals recently published a framework titled A Future for the Family: A New Technology Agenda for the Right. The document warns against technologies that could “supplant the human person and make the family functionally and biologically unnecessary.” It calls for policies that promote family-centric technological advancement rather than unchecked digital expansion.

Brad Littlejohn, a fellow at the conservative Ethics and Public Policy Center and a co-author of the agenda, sees both risks and opportunities in Trump’s evolving relationship with tech leaders. While he worries about a regulatory environment too favorable to tech monopolies, he believes conservatives can leverage the moment to reshape policies on issues like social media addiction and technology’s impact on family life.

“There was a sense of resignation in the past—like, ‘This is happening, and we’re powerless to stop it,’” Littlejohn said. “But now, people are realizing that’s not true.”

Despite these changes, a senior Republican Senate aide noted that major platforms still feel much the same. “X is what it is. I don’t really know what’s going down on Facebook. My Instagram is still pretty neutral,” the aide said.

But one thing is undeniable: The presence of Trump-friendly executives in Silicon Valley signals a significant shift. More than just policy changes, what Trump is getting from them is something far more valuable—legitimacy and an acknowledgment that, in their eyes, “this guy runs the world.”

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